This is a very helpful analysis! One objection I would raise is that I think you're falling into a common mischaracterization of the defenses of AOC. You write, "Power in Washington is built on personal relationships... and perhaps AOC is simply trying to make more friends than enemies." The suggestion is that people calling her "savvy" are defending some kind of inside game that relies on personal relationships and backslapping.
But it's much simpler than that. She is "savvy" because she seems to recognize what strategies are useful and what are silly. You point to her quote about replacing Schumer/Pelosi being good "in theory" as if she were backing away from it out of squeamishness. But the actual context of that quote was in the aftermath of a push to remove Pelosi coming Blue Dogs who wanted to replace her with someone MORE CONSERVATIVE. She made a calculated decision that replacing Pelosi with someone more conservative would not advance her goals, so she didn't sign on.
Similarly, her opposition to Force the Vote, or her refusal to threaten to hold up the Rescue Act over the min wage, was not about trying to "make more friends than enemies." It was a tactical decision about the limited value of a purely symbolic floor vote that would fail anyway (and even if it passed the House, would not receive a vote in the Senate -- and even if it received a vote in the Senate, would not pass -- and even if it somehow DID pass, would not be signed by Joe Biden). You can disagree with that decision, but I think it's important to recognize that it's not just about buttering up Democratic leadership -- it's just a different strategy.
The reason it doesn't feel satisfying is that, under the current regime, there is likely NO legislative strategy that AOC/Bernie could use to accomplish what is necessary. That's not because they're trying to play nice -- it's because their power is limited. The biggest issue facing the left at the moment is not the lack of militancy from its putative leaders, but the fact that the left lost last year. This might seem obvious, but it's the reason why you hear constant calls to keep organizing.
I worry that the focus on Bernie and AOC leaves people with the impression that the biggest issue facing the left right now is that AOC/Bernie are not more like we want them to be -- when the obvious issue is that Biden/Pelosi/Schumer are not more like AOC/Bernie. None of this undermines the other criticisms you make of them in the piece, especially on the issues of the border and Palestine, and elected leaders are never beyond criticism, but I think the people defending them just recognize that they are not the problem right now.
There are a lot of valid arguments in your comment, and I think you make them in a persuasive way. One in particular that jumped out to me was: "The biggest issue facing the left at the moment is not the lack of militancy from its putative leaders, but the fact that the left lost last year." I think every other discussion about "what the left is doing" is an indirect way of wrestling with this truth.
The defeat of last year was sort of absorbed into this giant snowball of shit that's been rolling down the metaphorical mountain. I've been puzzled and alarmed at how the left has responded by embracing a liberal-esque framing on this—essentially, we've been stuck in "harm reduction" mode since Bernie conceded. And yes there are notable exceptions around the margins, but the idea that a massive political change (which is urgently needed) could be in the works seems to have disappeared.
You're right that, under the current conditions, there's no legislative strategy that the left could use to pass policies like Medicare for All. That would probably still be true in 15-20 years, assuming you swapped out centrist Democrats with progressives at the current rate. It's become obvious that extracurricular activities are needed as well—symbolic actions aren't always meaningless, and in some cases they can work in conjunction with more "pragmatic" politics to put pressure on the Pelosis and Schumers of the world (theoretically, at least—the protests last summer were probably the closest thing we've seen to this, and it's hard to argue even that massive upheaval led to much policy change).
The problem, at least to me, is that nobody on the left is articulating what this kind of hybrid approach might look like. And the hybrid approach really does seem like the only thing that can deliver medium-term stability and long-term salvation. I worry a lot that several years will go by before the left realizes how deeply capitalism has re-entrenched itself, and by that point our ability to reduce harm will be even less than it is now. I hope I'm wrong, though—I'd like to see a healthy planet full of happy people.
This is a very helpful analysis! One objection I would raise is that I think you're falling into a common mischaracterization of the defenses of AOC. You write, "Power in Washington is built on personal relationships... and perhaps AOC is simply trying to make more friends than enemies." The suggestion is that people calling her "savvy" are defending some kind of inside game that relies on personal relationships and backslapping.
But it's much simpler than that. She is "savvy" because she seems to recognize what strategies are useful and what are silly. You point to her quote about replacing Schumer/Pelosi being good "in theory" as if she were backing away from it out of squeamishness. But the actual context of that quote was in the aftermath of a push to remove Pelosi coming Blue Dogs who wanted to replace her with someone MORE CONSERVATIVE. She made a calculated decision that replacing Pelosi with someone more conservative would not advance her goals, so she didn't sign on.
Similarly, her opposition to Force the Vote, or her refusal to threaten to hold up the Rescue Act over the min wage, was not about trying to "make more friends than enemies." It was a tactical decision about the limited value of a purely symbolic floor vote that would fail anyway (and even if it passed the House, would not receive a vote in the Senate -- and even if it received a vote in the Senate, would not pass -- and even if it somehow DID pass, would not be signed by Joe Biden). You can disagree with that decision, but I think it's important to recognize that it's not just about buttering up Democratic leadership -- it's just a different strategy.
The reason it doesn't feel satisfying is that, under the current regime, there is likely NO legislative strategy that AOC/Bernie could use to accomplish what is necessary. That's not because they're trying to play nice -- it's because their power is limited. The biggest issue facing the left at the moment is not the lack of militancy from its putative leaders, but the fact that the left lost last year. This might seem obvious, but it's the reason why you hear constant calls to keep organizing.
I worry that the focus on Bernie and AOC leaves people with the impression that the biggest issue facing the left right now is that AOC/Bernie are not more like we want them to be -- when the obvious issue is that Biden/Pelosi/Schumer are not more like AOC/Bernie. None of this undermines the other criticisms you make of them in the piece, especially on the issues of the border and Palestine, and elected leaders are never beyond criticism, but I think the people defending them just recognize that they are not the problem right now.
There are a lot of valid arguments in your comment, and I think you make them in a persuasive way. One in particular that jumped out to me was: "The biggest issue facing the left at the moment is not the lack of militancy from its putative leaders, but the fact that the left lost last year." I think every other discussion about "what the left is doing" is an indirect way of wrestling with this truth.
The defeat of last year was sort of absorbed into this giant snowball of shit that's been rolling down the metaphorical mountain. I've been puzzled and alarmed at how the left has responded by embracing a liberal-esque framing on this—essentially, we've been stuck in "harm reduction" mode since Bernie conceded. And yes there are notable exceptions around the margins, but the idea that a massive political change (which is urgently needed) could be in the works seems to have disappeared.
You're right that, under the current conditions, there's no legislative strategy that the left could use to pass policies like Medicare for All. That would probably still be true in 15-20 years, assuming you swapped out centrist Democrats with progressives at the current rate. It's become obvious that extracurricular activities are needed as well—symbolic actions aren't always meaningless, and in some cases they can work in conjunction with more "pragmatic" politics to put pressure on the Pelosis and Schumers of the world (theoretically, at least—the protests last summer were probably the closest thing we've seen to this, and it's hard to argue even that massive upheaval led to much policy change).
The problem, at least to me, is that nobody on the left is articulating what this kind of hybrid approach might look like. And the hybrid approach really does seem like the only thing that can deliver medium-term stability and long-term salvation. I worry a lot that several years will go by before the left realizes how deeply capitalism has re-entrenched itself, and by that point our ability to reduce harm will be even less than it is now. I hope I'm wrong, though—I'd like to see a healthy planet full of happy people.